By: Aiah Pengusa Momodu Sourie
The phenomenon of corruption goes beyond breaching the law or ethics within a public body for personal gain; it is a flagrant dismantling of the rational structures that uphold the ideal of nation-building. It amounts to a terrorist attack on the collective resolve of a people to improve their standard of living and build a positive legacy for posterity. No matter how rich a nation is in mineral resources, how visionary its development programmes, or how resilient its citizens, it remains vulnerable to stagnation and decay as long as corruption is allowed to fester within its governance structures. This essay endeavours to show how corruption undermines the integrity and development of a nation.
But how does a nation suffer stagnation and decay due to public sector malfeasance? It is important to first note that Transparency International—a civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption globally—defines corruption as “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain.” Similarly, the World Bank defines it as “the abuse of public office for private gain.” Both definitions unequivocally describe corruption as involving individuals in public sector positions and suggest that the craving for self-interest lies at the heart of any such infringement on established standards. Thus, the poignant line in the National Pledge—“I put her interest above all else…”—is consigned to what I call a “naughty conscience,” completely overtaken by audacious self-interest.
Corruption erodes both nationhood and national development. It threatens social and political stability by exacerbating inequality and weakening public trust. Where corruption reigns, a social stratum or occult of those who amass ill-gotten wealth and wield disproportionate power and influence is established. They commandeer state institutions, fuelling public resentment that often boils over into violent protests or demonstrations. The society becomes fragmented as the majority of citizens are alienated from accessing rights-based services such as healthcare and education. The situation grows even grimmer as the economy spirals downward—stalled foreign direct investment, distorted or unfair market environments, increased cost of doing business, and widespread underground deals become the norm.
A brief reference to the decades preceding the ghastly eleven-year civil war in Sierra Leone may serve to illustrate how public sector dishonesty can reach egregious heights. (The names of political actors are deliberately withheld—the focus here is the situation, not the personalities involved.)
On 27 April 1961, amidst great fanfare and nationalistic fervour, the Union Jack was furled and the green-white-blue flag of Sierra Leone was hoisted in its place. The melody of the National Anthem stirred patriotic pride in every heart. The ensuing decades were marked by relatively stable economic growth, bolstered by strong political leadership. However, it did not take long for postcolonial turbulence to rear its head: authoritarianism, coups and counter-coups, and systemic governance failures—political patronage, regional bias, the theft of public funds and property, and other forms of sabotage driven by personal aggrandisement.
Martin Meredith, in his well-researched book The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence (2005), graphically portrays Sierra Leone during those years as a country crippled by inept public institutions, weak checks and balances, centralized power in one political entity for over two decades, and total control of the vital diamond-mining industry by foreigners with allies in high places—all culminating in the sardonic looting of everything that could have built a great nation.
Shortly before the war broke out, the civil service had collapsed; public services became the preserve of a privileged few. Rights were trampled upon with impunity, and threats such as “Ar get de govment na mi porkit. Ar go lok yu na sel en trowey de ki.” (“I have got the government in my pocket. I will have you locked in a cell and throw away the key.”) became the mantra of those who had a share in the national loot. The corollary was clear: popular disillusionment, a loss of trust in government, and a kind of tacit public approval of corruption— 'Osai den tai kaw na de e de it' (“A cow feeds where it is tethered”).
And then came the civil strife—the horrific details of which fall outside the scope of this article. The war broke out on 23 March 1991, and when the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was constituted in 2002, pursuant to Article XXVI of the Lomé Peace Accord signed on 7 July 1999, it established that the preponderant cause of the conflict was unbridled corruption. Consequently, the TRC recommended the establishment of a dedicated anti-corruption institution. Although the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) had already been founded by an Act of Parliament in 2000, the TRC’s findings reinforced its necessity.
What measures have since been taken to cage this hyena of corruption—to rewrite the country’s history in terms not as frightening as Meredith’s? The founding of the ACC is a clear green light for action. There is no denying that the Commission has made remarkable strides in combating graft. To all intents and purposes, through extensive public education, hawk-eyed systems reviews, legal reforms, biennial asset declarations for public officials, and close collaboration with Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs), the Commission has taken bold steps towards achieving its vision: a corruption-free Sierra Leone where the socio-economic needs of citizens are met.
What more can be done? Determined national responsibility to fully support the ACC can never be more urgent than now. Therefore, a coalition of civil society, the media, youth, religious and traditional leaders, and other segments of society must understand that corruption is diametrically opposed to national aspirations. The spirit of nationhood once so proudly displayed on 27 April 1961 must be rekindled and directed toward an exalted common purpose, leveraging the existing political will to uproot graft once and for all.
In conclusion, wanton practices within the public sector have direct consequences for the very values that underpin nation-building. National ideals and development drives cannot thrive when corruption becomes the stock-in-trade of public officials. The President, Rtd Brigadier Julius Maada Bio, has aptly described the scourge as “a national security threat.” This warrants every citizen to resist and report corruption as a laudable mark of patriotism. Sierra Leone has grievously suffered from unparalleled levels of endemic corruption in the past. But the ACC has lit a beacon of national renewal—and no well-meaning Sierra Leonean can afford to remain indifferent in the campaign against graft.
